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Re: Spinning NCLB "accountability" as civil rights: neocon girly manh...
I think that if it were a case of good versus evil, it would be easier
to battle this. But what I think it really is is two opposing views or
epistemologies, really, regarding the nature of school and learning. It
is two different belief systems about what it means to learn and how we
define the concept of knowledge. Historically these two factions have
been warring with each other at least since the enlightenment, and
probably longer.
But you are right that we also have to deal with those who view
education as a playing field for profit. That crowd is quite diligent
at demonizing approaches to learning that threaten the bottom line.
Nancy
Nancy Patterson, PhD
Literacy Studies Program Chair
College of Education
Grand Valley State University
920 Eberhard Center
301 W. Fulton
Grand Rapids, Michigan 49504
616-331-6226
patterna@gvsu.edu
http://faculty.gvsu.edu/patterna
>>> <Bussardre@aol.com> 8/7/2007 8:03 AM >>>
Wonderful articles. Thanks for sharing, Quan.
I just wonder how long it will take before the nation wakes up and
realizes
how it has been manipulated all lthese years by these evil souls. I
used to
see these people as ignorant but I decided they are just plain EVIL.
Let's
hope there is a hereafter where they will be held "accountable."
Billee Bussard
In a message dated 8/6/2007 8:44:28 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
QCao009@aol.com writes:
_Black is white_ (
http://commonsense.ourfuture.org/black_white)
Submitted by _Rick Perlstein_
(
http://commonsense.ourfuture.org/user/rick_perlstein) on August 6,
2007 -
8:55am.
When I wrote about the Supreme Court's monstrously mendacious
decision to
ban local school districts from seeking racial fairness, I was
especially
offended by Chief Justice Roberts' formulation, “the way to stop
discrimination on
the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race."
Historian Nancy McClean has now published an amazing little essay in
which
she reveals the workshops that churned out this Orwellian notion.
"Roberts’s
decision," she writes, "is replete with quotable phrases from the
lexicon
conservative strategists honed in their think tanks in the 1970s and
then
carried
into the nation’s courtrooms through their various legal societies."
Here's the story:
[H]ow did National Review greet the Brown decision? Frank Meyer, its
founding co-editor and the leading conservative movement builder in
the
formative
years, called the high court’s decision a “rape of the
Constitution.”
To fight the implementation of Brown, Buckley and Meyer forged an
alliance
with the intellectual architect of “massive resistance,” James
Jackson
Kilpatrick. Kilpatrick’s agitation against school desegregation as
editor
of the
Richmond News Leader earned him praise as “one of the South’s
most
talented
leaders” from the Mississippi-based white Citizens’ Councils then
working
to
crush the civil rights movement.
Buckley traded mailing lists with this avid white supremacist
organization
in 1958, assuring its leader that “Our position on states’ rights
is the
same
as your own.” Indeed, it was. What made “the White community” in
the South
“
entitled” to use any means necessary to keep blacks from voting,
Buckley
had
editorialized the year before, was that “it is the advanced race”
so its “
claims of civilization supersede those of universal suffrage.”
But calling the emancipation of black schoolchildren a "rape," and
calling
blacks civilizationally inferior, wasn't flying with the public. So
they did
what conservative do: borrowed from the black arts of corporation
public
relations.
They were tutored by northern neo-conservatives like Irving Kristol,
who in
1964 warned Buckley of the “political folly” of arguing against
school
desegregation “in terms of racial differences.” Buckley and his
allies
wisely
dropped the racial rationales and most now say that they regret their
earlier
arguments.
But their core commitments stayed the same. To fight social justice,
conservative spokesmen simply mastered the art of rhetorical jujitsu.
They
seized
the civil rights movement’s greatest strength--its moral power–to
defeat
its
goals. They complained less and less that civil rights measures
violated
property rights, aided communists or elevated racial inferiors.
Instead,
conservatives claimed that civil rights measures themselves
discriminated.
“I am getting to be like the Catholic convert who became more
Catholic than
the Pope,” Kilpatrick marveled in 1978 about his own altered
phraseology. “
If it is wrong to discriminate by reason of race or sex,” intoned
the
outspoken enemy of civil rights, “well, then, it is wrong to
discriminate by
reason
of race or sex.”
The former segregationists now portrayed themselves as the true
advocates
of
fairness. They framed “the egalitarians,” in Kilpatrick’s words,
as “
worse
racists--much worse racists--than the old Southern bigots.”...
Yes: quite literally, they argued that black was white. Read the whole
essay
_here_ (
http://hnn.us/articles/41501.html) , then groove to Nancy's
_book _
(
http://www.amazon.com/Freedom-Not-Enough-Workplace-Foundation/dp/0674019091/r
ef
=pd_bbs_sr_1/002-0698794-2006438?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1186404043&sr=8-1)
Freedom Is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace.
Quan
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