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Re: State Board Votes Down Exit Exam Options



While you aren't replying directly to me, I appreciate your input. I, too, remember Bill Honig, and the upheavals that went on when he was ousted. I'm really wondering what we can learn from our mistakes, and their successes, this time around. What, and how, should we be communicating to the general public?

Kelley

Scott Hays wrote:




Well, I was very close to CLAS (in fact, my connection goes back to its predecessor ... the CAP test). My connection was through science ... which had to fight a tough uphill battle with the State Board and the Curriculum Commission to even include a performance assessment in CAP and CLAS (similar to the battles being waged today, where "science" is tested only in grades 5, 8 and 11 ... and then only counts as a miniscule percentage of the AYP formulation) ... and the hands-on, open-response format of the test proved to be one of its most enduring (and, on a national level, influential) elements, even after it was sabotaged by critics of exploratory learning. Those critics did several things that helped them succeed in first eliminating CLAS, and then replacing it with the "standards-based" approach that now weighs so heavily on the rest of the country.

First, as many on this list are probably aware, performance-based assessments are more time-consuming and more costly to score than are machine-scored, multiple choice tests. Scorers need to be trained, and it takes a big chunk of time to give proper consideration to a state-load of tests that are free-written responses rather than "right/wrong" bubbles. Time and money. Never mind that the time and money provided a dual benefit to students and parents -- not only were the tests being scored, but every classroom teacher trained in scoring the test was receiving extremely valuable professional development that in the long run benefited classroom instruction. Professional networks were formed, teachers spoke to one another about what constitutes a "good" response (and why is it "good"), many local training sessions grew into ongoing discussion groups about how to best modify instruction, and many teachers even began developing their own instructional units to implement these ideas -- and they shared them across their networks.

Those positive trade-offs, however, don't sell well in newspapers and television news stories, mostly because they take too much time and space to explain. The general public doesn't understand why these teacher issues are important. In fact, the public can be easily convinced that teachers shouldn't need additional training to do the things they were already trained to do (an argument that began to circulate at the time). The general public also does not care to be involved in professional discussions about different types of assessment. Critics of the test, who organized themselves in 1994 and 1995 through the fledgling internet, could submit well- coordinated op-ed pieces, letters to the editor, media interviews, articles and testimony before the legislature all across the state at the same time and from the same speaking points. This presented the illusion of widespread academic, social and economic opposition to the time and money being spent. Besides presenting these coordinated attacks (and comments designed to look like measured evaluations, but part of the attack strategy), critics also focused on (over) simplifying the argument and presenting essentially false-case points that were difficult to rebut in two paragraphs.: the scoring was too "subjective", kids could pass a test without "knowing" anything, traditional facts were not a part of the assessment (which, since this is the type of testing with which most parents were familiar, this carried undo influence).

At the same time, a massive political battle was being waged for control of the State Department of Education. The State Department was run by an elected State Superintendent, and was responsible for implementing legislative mandates. CAP and CLAS (and a whole lot of other innovative educational initiatives ... initiatives that were copied and/or modified all across the country) were developed in the exciting period when the SDE was headed by Bill Honig, a popular, articulate and highly influential Democrat in essentially a Ronald Reagan state. The Republican Party, much as it spent a lot of time and energy trying to take down Bill Clinton, spent many years trying to "get" and remove Mr. Honig. They came at him from four sides. George Deukmajian, a vindictive Assemblyman from Long Beach who built his career on "getting" Honig (Legislature to Attorney General, then ultimately Governor), led the political/legal charge, and finally succeeded in 1994 when he discovered a "conflict of interest" that arose from two small contracts awarded to a company that was headed by Honig's wife. The State Board of Education worked at him from another other side (the Board is an appointed body -- made up of representatives appointed by the Governor, the Superintendent, and the Legislature), and ultimately gained the upper hand when Marion Joseph was appointed President of the SBE (her name should be familiar on this list). The Legislature also made a habit of cutting funding to the successful educational initiatives developed by the SDE -- primarily ambitious professional development efforts -- so they never were allowed to mature or follow through with the reforms they put in place (we were always operating on a shoestring budget, often forced to support thousands of teachers on carryover from the previous year's budget). And finally, there were the "public" critics of everything that was going on.

Once Honig was removed, the wolves descended. CLAS was next. In many respects, CLAS shot itself in the foot. Efforts were never made to advertise or promote or explain its value and importance. It just "was". Since few outside the education community were even aware of its existence ... let alone its value ... it wasn't hard for the opposition to take a few test questions out of context and infuriate the Christian right, who launched their own (coordinated) letter- writing campaign. It didn't help that a few of the reading selections involved questionable (at least, provocative) content, but this was because the Administrator at CLAS kept the reading selections close to the vest. By contrast, the science community used previous CLAS test questions as training tools ... the kits that were needed to administer the test were allowed to remain in the schools for future use (encouraging the dissemination of hands-on science), and were a popular source for professional development. The science test were therefore widely disseminated (to the public as well as to the educational community) ... and the test was a much more open document. As a result, the central targets of the critics were NOT the science test (it was too well known and too popular), but the reading and math tests.

So, in summary, the short answer (that I ... per usual ... have used 200 words to explain when 10 might have done a better job -- sorry!) is that critics rallied around the sound-byte phrases of "fuzzy" math, "whole language", "dumbed-down" content, and "subjective scoring". They combined this with criticisms of time and money waste, and waged an unceasing political battle against the most obvious proponent of the entire reform effort package. Finally, all efforts were coordinated, so seemingly disparate voices in different parts of the state gave the impression of widespread opposition.

Being a first-hand participant and observer of the ensuing battles over standards, framework development, definition of instructional material criteria, and then the IM adoption process itself (battles which continue, by the way, to this day), I can attest to secretive deals, sneaky tactics, and possibly illegal actions taken by proponents of the standards/accountability crowd who are still in control. There are also persistent rumors and lots of second-hand anecdotes -- mostly from people whose judgment and integrity I trust -- connecting the major textbook publishers to the entire process.

I know, Art, that this description presents a not-so-subtle suggestion of "conspiracy" ... a possibility to which you are not open to hearing ... but that's pretty much how it all came down between 1990 and 1998. As to your suggestion that Californians come up with a better proposal for the state Exit Exam than the single test now being administered, they've done it, are still doing it, and probably will continue to do so until the political climate in the state shifts once again to something a little more humane. This governor (and the previous one, for that matter) refuses to accept multiple measures of assessment, which almost every district in the state has developed and currently uses. Instead, he stubbornly clings to the central "reform" (aren't they *all* "central" reforms) created by the standardistas, and despite evidence that some 70% of the students who are being punished by this single test are special needs students or second-language learners (themselves students with unrecognized special needs). Of course, this is the same governor who has twice vetoed bills passed by the Legislature making it possible for local districts to adopt whatever "standards-based" instructional materials they feel will best meet their instructional needs, rather than only those anointed as "acceptable" by the SBE; a governor who has vetoed Legislation providing for periodic, but systematic, review and modification of the standards (once when it was suggested review take place every two years, then again when it was required to accompany each new adoption cycle); a governor who has vetoed Legislation authorizing professional development to focus on teaching to the standards, rather than on how to use the approved textbooks in the classroom; and a governor who has vetoed Legislation that prohibits former Curriculum Commission members from serving on task forces, panels or advisory committees to the Commission, or for serving on such bodies for more than one adoption.

But the Exit Exam was not the point of the message to which you responded. The question was what happened to the CLAS test (which would probably be a much more reliable assessment of student academic success). However, in relation to that Exit Exam that the notoriously non-progressive State Board of Education continues to support, let me just say that Californians have been graduating from high school for a very long time without benefit of a high school exit exam to "test" their worthiness. If, as some claim, they are "unprepared" for adult life by the coursework they have completed ... well, life itself has (and will continue to) help them sort that out. The "Exit Exam" is a red herring, used only to hit certain populations of students over the head. The Standards Tests are another matter ... but I have exhausted my energy (not to mention space), so will leave that discussion for a later time.







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