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Re: Fwd: Re: Incoherent article by Sen. Kennedy
- To: ca-resisters@interversity.org
- Subject: Re: Fwd: Re: Incoherent article by Sen. Kennedy
- From: Rich Gibson <rgibson@pipeline.com>
- Date: Mon, 07 Jan 2008 22:31:46 -0800
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This is a thin analysis. The question is not as Jim suggests, just
"what is our solution.?"
The question is, what is the source of the NCLB problem? Then we can
get to what the solution is.
It is not just bad people in public office.
NCLB, like the war in Iraq (Afghanistan, etc) is a bipartisan
maneuver and more to the point, a form of class rule, the tyranny of
the rich over the rest of us. The rich use the government, which no
serious person can argue is a democracy anymore, as their executive
committee where they work out their differences about how to rule,
and then allow the rest of us to pulverize each other over choosing
which one of them will oppress us best.
The realities of expanding wars for social imperial control, for oil
in many cases, for markets, for cheap labor, and rising inequality,
and booming irrationalism (creationism, or the fact that every major
presidential candidate is trying to out-god the other), deepening
racism and nationalism, coupled with the need for troops who consider
themselves volunteers, and citizens who will sacrifice to back the
empire's wars (which pit one group of poor and working people on one
side, against another group of poor and working people on another
side, both of whom have better enemies among the ruling classes in
their home nations)---all that adds up to nations which make peculiar
demands on schools. NCLB, we surely know, is hardly a US phenomenon.
It is duplicated in Great Britain and to one degree or another in all
of the industrialized world.
Jim is right in suggesting that the test resistance can hardly claim
credit for halting NCLB, just as the nearly non-existent antiwar
movement can hardly claim credit for any shift in war policies. NCLB
is being held up by differences among the ruling classes, but all of
them agree on the need to regiment curricula, militarize
education, strip the freedom of teachers, and to evaluate student
knowledge using mainly quantitative methods.
And they know why they need to do that, even if we do not. They must
regulate what people think, an important product in schooling which
serves, for the most part, as a mission for capitalism. These are,
after all, capitalist, not democratic, schools. That varying elements
in the ruling classes vie over their differences of how this can be
achieved is not something we should celebrate too much, just as it is
mistaken to think the main thing about NCLB is privatization, which
is just one of many paths toward social control.
Jim suggests we need to offer an alternative to the methods and
substance of capitalist schooling. The Whole Language movement, the
critical pedagogues, marxist educators, and many others have detailed
those alternatives for decades. The issue is not providing a
reasonable alternative. That work is done. The issue is a matter of
connecting the reason we have already created to power, to effective
strategic and tactical resistance based on an ethic of equality,
mutual responisibility and solidarity, that has an organizational
form which can be sustained over a long time.
Susan Harman and Calcare, as well as members of the Rouge Forum, have
proposed boycotting the Big Tests. If that is rabble rousing (and
just who, other than me, is rabble?) then we need lots of it. While
research and writing are fine things, books and papers are good, it
remains that only direct action can match power vs power. They have
the money, We should have the people. And to get them we must act.
As I understand it, we have a meeting set for Feb 2 in Fresno. Hope
to see you there.
The Rouge Forum is leading a national conference of education
activists, March 14 to 16, in Louisville.
Happy happy merry merry and a good new year to all.
best, r
www.rougeforum.org
At 06:37 PM 1/7/2008, you wrote:
James Crawford is an ELL advocate and the founder of the Institute
for Language and Education Policy. Here he weighs in on "what to do
now" about NCLB...
From: James Crawford <jwcrawford@COMPUSERVE.COM>
Contrary to Ken's claims, I don't believe "we" have won anything as
yet. What form the Elementary and Secondary Education Act will take
in the future remains quite murky and that question seems unlikely
to be resolved by the presidential race. Thus far, the candidates'
discourse on education has yet to rise above the level of sound
bites and bumper stickers.
ESEA's current form, NCLB, is such a blunt instrument that it has
generated opposition from many quarters and many viewpoints. While
this has had a welcome impact on Congress, neither "we" nor any
single group of critics can claim credit for the current gridlock
over reauthorization. Politically speaking, the complaints of
powerful interest groups -- the NEA in particular -- appear to have
exerted a major influence on Miller and Kennedy. But while such
groups have long laundry lists of complaints about NCLB, none has
advanced a coherent alternative vision of the federal role in K-12 education.
This leaves us with a Congress that's ideologically wedded to
test-and-punish, yet unable to solve the myriad of problems that
NCLB-style "accountability" creates. It also provides progressive
educators an opportunity to develop a whole new approach that would
truly improve schools.
Without such an alternative vision, it's hard to see how anything
significantly better than NCLB could emerge. As I've said before,
this is where we should be focusing our energies. An increasing
number of progressives are thinking along these lines, and I hope
that members of the Institute will join in. It's a time for
reflection, discussion, and coalition-building.
It's not a time for rabble-rousing. Calling for "massive
resistance" is not the kind of leadership that's needed at this
point. Large numbers of educators, parents, and even politicians
have already figured out that NCLB is part of the problem. The
question is: what's our solution?
Jim Crawford
Ken Goodman wrote:
The Lesson from Kennedy's OPed is that we've won our first
objective which is to raise the issues necessary to forestall a
renewal of NCLB in an even worse form. We also succeeded in making
it an issue in the election which will leave a Democratic
president with a commitment to end or change the law or at the
least lesson its impact. It's now Bush's education policy and
Kennedy and Miller have to distance themsleves from NCLB in its
present form. To really achieve change and force the politicians
to listen we need massive resistance to NCLB- by parents,
educators, and students at every level- local, state and national.
Ken Goodman
James Crawford wrote:
Like George Bush, who's scheduled to speak at a Chicago school
today, Ted Kennedy just seems to be going through the motions in
observance of NCLB's 6th birthday.
His oped in today's Washington Post doesn't make too much sense.
One the one hand, he claims "positive changes" as a result of the
law; on the other, he embraces most of the major indictments.
Meanwhile, he attacks both NCLB supporters (Bush) and critics
(Democratic presidential candidates) for their "simplistic rhetoric."
Not a great plan for building a new coalition for
reauthorization. You have to wonder whether there's any point to
this article, other than self-justification. It's hard for
politicians to admit making fundamental mistakes in legislation
they coauthor. And, of course, it's hard to turn down an
invitation to appear in the Washington Post.
How To Fix 'No Child'
By Edward M. Kennedy
Monday, January 7, 2008; Page A17
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/01/06/AR2008010601828.html>http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/01/06/AR2008010601828.html
With renewal of the No Child Left Behind Act high on the agenda
for the new session of Congress, it's no surprise that the 2002
law -- the Bush administration's signature domestic initiative --
has become a political football in this intense campaign season.
The administration continues to speak glowingly of the law while
Democratic candidates blast it. But simplistic campaign rhetoric
hardly reflects what's actually happening on school reform.
Tomorrow is the sixth anniversary of the law's enactment. It's a
good time to take realistic stock of things. Obviously, the
results are mixed. Many elements of the reforms have produced
encouraging progress for young children in public schools across
the nation, and they deserve to be supported. Other aspects of
the law have not been satisfactory, and some have been failures.
These must be changed.
The stakes are high. At issue is a goal that Democrats have long
embraced as a fundamental principle of our party -- opportunity
for all Americans. Strengthening the nation's schools is
essential for preparing our citizens to compete and win in the
global economy. We in Congress have an obligation to parents, to
teachers and, most of all, to schoolchildren across America to
draw the right lessons from these past six years with the No
Child Left Behind Act and put school reform on a stronger path for the future.
On the plus side, the law demands that all children must benefit
-- black or white, immigrant or native-born, rich or poor,
disabled or not. Before its enactment, only a handful of states
monitored the achievement of every group of students in their
schools. Today, all 50 states must do that. Across the country,
schools are poring over student data to identify weaknesses in
instruction and to improve teaching and learning. All schools now
measure performance based not on the achievement of their average
and above-average students but on their progress in helping
below-average students reach high standards as well.
The positive changes are evident in the National Assessment of
Educational Progress, better known as "The Nation's Report Card."
The improvements are still modest, but they're noticeable,
particularly among students who formerly were low achievers.
We're beginning to see a narrowing of the achievement gap between
white students and other students.
All of this is good news. But the law still needs major changes
to bring out the best in all children. The process for rating
troubled schools fails to reward incremental progress made by
schools struggling to catch up. Its one-size-fits-all approach
encourages "teaching to the test" and discourages innovation in
the classroom. We need to encourage local decision makers to use
a broader array of information, beyond test scores, to determine
which schools need small adjustments and which need extensive reforms.
The act doesn't do enough to support teachers as the
professionals they are by training and mentoring them and by
placing good teachers in the schools that need them most. It
fails to deal with the dropout crisis, which puts large numbers
of young students beyond the reach of the American dream. It
doesn't involve parents enough in helping their children succeed.
It falls short in achieving smaller classes so that teachers can
give children the one-on-one attention they need.
Most of all, the law fails to supply the essential resources that
schools desperately need to improve their performance. We can't
achieve progress for all students on the cheap. No child should
have to attend crumbling schools or learn from an outdated
textbook, regardless of where he or she lives. It's disgraceful
that President Bush has failed to include adequate funding for
school reform in his education budgets. Struggling schools can do
only so much on a tin-cup budget.
Four decades ago, my brother Robert Kennedy asked at a Senate
hearing on education: "What happened to the children?" That
question is as appropriate today as it was in 1966. We're still
not doing enough for the nation's schools and children.
As Democrats and Republicans choose their nominees in our
democratic process, and as President Bush prepares to deliver his
last State of the Union address, let us all remember that we owe
it to our children and our children's children to put progress
ahead of politics and support what is working in school reform,
and to work together to fix what is not.
The writer, a Democratic senator from Massachusetts, was a lead
author of the No Child Left Behind Act.
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